Thursday 15 October 2015

Debate on Caste Census and its Relevance

An introduction to the context of the Debate
The question of who were Scheduled Castes is said to have been settled before Independence within the scope of the executive outside the courts. But who are the other backward classes is a post-Independence question yet to be settled. The Centre is said to have never attempted to formulate a workable quantitative standard for selecting backward communities. The Centre’s decision to leave out caste data in the census of 1951 and 1961 due to dislike against communal tests like caste census is said to have further eclipsed any possibility of finding a feasible solution. This is considered to have led to the post Independence interaction of the state governments, backward class commissions and courts that has given rise to a list of communal groups chosen on the basis of low status, low educational attainments and poverty( Galanter, 1978).
According to Ramaiah (1992) currently it is mandatory for the central government to promote the welfare of the other backward classes (OBC) under article 340 of the Indian Constitution. This involves 27% reservation of opportunities in education and employment provided by the government. However such welfare measures are fiercely opposed by those falling under the general category, majority of whom belong to higher castes and high income groups. The technical errors in the criteria and approach adopted in identifying the other backward classes(OBC) by the Backward Classes Commissions set up so far is said to have given further strength to the opposition. This is said to have necessitated the government to make a national survey that lists out all the caste groups along with their socio-economic and educational status to identify the really deserving people within the castes and communities of each stratum of the society.
Unlike Scheduled castes and tribes the actual OBCs lack both the reliable statistics and also the profuse narratives and counter narratives that might help the masses understand the causes behind their current social and educational backwardness. Even though the statistics arrived through surveys as suggested above can successfully help identify OBCs they do not reveal the intricacies of social, cultural and political dynamics that influences their notion of education and hence inclusion in education. OBCs are not a homogeneous group but most of them belong to castes with traditional occupations that are considered to be of inferior in status. They are diverse in terms of culture, tradition and occupation.

Debate on Caste Census and its Relevance for Inclusion in Education

Most of the educational benefits of the Government of India and its states use caste as a criteria to identify the target population that needs state help. Yet many challenge the reliability and validity of using caste for this purpose. Those who challenge cite non availability of detailed information on caste to make any rational decision. As a result many propose to collect caste information within the national census of the country that is conducted every ten years. Another section fiercely opposes such a move claiming that it would only help strengthen the caste identities that might work against the interest of national integration. With the introduction of reservation in education and employment for the other backward classes, the debate on caste census has once again come to prominence. Studying a backward caste and its perspective on the caste based inclusion in education is most probably incomplete without dwelling into the issue of caste census. Hence an attempt is made here to map various arguments on caste census.
Backward Classes Commission set up during 1979 is now popularly known as Mandal commission after its chairman B.P. Mandal. This commission was set up to determine the criteria for identifying the socially and educationally backward classes and to recommend the measures for their upliftment. It was based on the report by this commission that the other backward classes(OBCs) were given 27% reservation in the government services in 1993. B.P. Mandal in this report gives an account of various difficulties faced by the commission in identifying the backward classes. One of them is the absence of caste enumeration figures after 1931 census. To avoid such difficulties in the future a reference was made to the then Home Minister Giani Zail Singh to carry out caste enumeration in the 1981 census. To this the commission was informed by the Government without citing any reason that the policy of not having caste enumeration in Indian Census will be continued (GOI, 1980).  
As per Malik (2010) census is a collation of voluntarily offered data which is not contested. In the absence of pre-defined metrics the author says a very large number of population would declare themselves as OBC to avail quotas. Such a census will later be challenged to weed out fraudulent claims which invites lot of unmanageable litigation. He refers an instance where a field survey was carried out for cataloguing manners, customs, rituals and marriage practices of various tribes, castes and subcastes by H.H. Risley, a civil servant in Bengal during 1891. Consequently a caste called Khatris was categorised as Vaishyas. This led to an uproar within the Khatris who regarded themselves as Kshatriyas. Khatris took it as a humiliation and blamed their opponents of influencing Risley. This forced the authorities to put the Khatris along with few others in a completely new group.
This was before Independence when most castes were redefining themselves to gain in social status. Author says today the scenario is going to be completely opposite where each caste wants to identify themselves as lower in social hierarchy to claim quotas in employment and education. The question posed by the author at the end of the discussion is how do we weed out fraudulent claims in the caste census.
While the question raised here is quite valid the same would be true for the information collected in the National Census about the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Persons with Disability in the National Census.
According to Pinto (1998) in a caste society recognition of caste alone can transform caste leading to the emergence of casteless society. While arguing for enumeration of caste within the national census the author says there are contradiction within the section of people who oppose caste census. This section of population is said to have wholeheartedly opposed any reservation in jobs and education on the basis of the caste but many are not averse to the provision of certain privileges and benefits based on the poverty. But the author asserts that the social backwardness is a result of both caste and poverty. The failure of most of the social welfare instruments to eradicate poverty is attributed here to the entrenched caste system in the society. Caste system is said to perpetuate poverty because of the discrimination based on caste in the access to the state resources.  
In the run up to the proposed caste enumeration in the 2001 census which did not take place, Sau (1999) says for redressing caste bias caste census is not  necessary. The author says a village level version of the Human Development Index can be used for making an indirect estimate of the caste bias. So instead of caste the data on health, education and earnings of the people should be collected in the census. The author cites that the caste census would intensify divisive caste identities that may lead to large scale caste conflicts and violence.
Kumar (2000) has a different view on the caste enumeration in the census. The author highlights that decades of not having caste enumeration has not reduced the caste conflicts and violence. Instead fraudulent claims by different castes for various state benefits has only fuelled the rivalry across the spectrum of backward castes unlike the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.  So not including caste in census would render the policy measures meant to help the backward classes inefficient. Author also answers another argument against caste census. Since the constitution prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, sex, region, caste etc the opponents of caste census claim that enumeration of caste is impossible by the virtue of prohibition imposed under the articles 15, 16 and 29(2) of the Constitution. Then the same logic is said to apply for the information on the religion, sex, language and other aspects which are collected in the national census. It is also emphasised that organising on the basis of caste is like a trade union that comes up to safeguard its members interest. Backward classes organizing themselves will in the long run equalize the uneven power relations between different castes. Like any other trade union they are said to have the right to certain kind of information that concerns their well being. In this case it is the socio-economic profile of different castes for the entire nation.

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